The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant occupants of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas numerous VPs were limited to marginal or symbolic roles, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "true president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and stated the connection was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, always referring to him in public as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their relationship as a collaboration because it implied that they were peers. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a faction of neo-conservatives that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the downing of any unidentified airplanes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the assaults altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on retaliation. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the waterboarding of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced then and I believe it today."
Yet during that period, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I observed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, ineptitude, and dishonesty."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a memorandum outlining circumstances in which national priorities might be compromised (including "obtaining essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be positioned to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the White House somewhat determined on executing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been sacked by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's involvement in the regional tensions and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's countenance that all visitors had to walk over.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, repeatedly quoting intelligence reports that were whether thin or entirely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no useful information had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to capture the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his domain? It's a nice way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his business interests accompanied him throughout his time as VP. Although he had minimal expertise in business but established relationships in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US deals totaling substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the corporation grew from his $258,394 during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
